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Cities and counties from across the nation are pioneering new clean energy solutions that could help end our nation’s oil addiction and create good jobs, according to the most recent report from the Apollo Alliance. Four Ohio municipalities: Bowling Green, Canton, Cincinnati, Cleveland, are highlighted in the national report. Policy Matters Ohio, Apollo’s Ohio partner, is thrilled that New Energy for Cities highlights dozens of representative municipal programs that promote renewable power, reduce oil consumption, make buildings more efficient and promote smart growth. The mission of Ohio Apollo is to work with Ohio’s cities to adopt these policies and create jobs through environmentally sound and energy efficient solutions.
A city thrives when its residents thrive. Yet many families, even though they are employed fulltime, continue to struggle to meet their families' basic needs. Local elected officials across the country have discovered a way to strengthen working families while bringing more federal dollars into the local economy: by connecting eligible workers to the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC).
Small businesses are the lifeblood of the economy in the United States. Based on data from the U.S. Census Bureau, the Office of Advocacy at the U.S. Small Business Administration documented that small businesses accounted for over 92% of the net new jobs creation between 1989 and 2003. The smallest among the small businesses (those employing fewer than 20 employees) accounted for 85% of the net new job creation over the same period. In essence, the vast majority of the new jobs created in the economy come from the very small businesses. Of the total 21.8 million jobs created between 1989 and 2003, small businesses under 20 employees created 18.6 million jobs, small businesses with between 20 and 500 employees created 1.5 million jobs, and large businesses and companies (with over 500 employees) created only 1.7 million jobs. Similarly, while small businesses created net new jobs in 12 of those 14 years, large businesses eliminated more jobs than they created in 5 of those 14 years.
We examine how within-firm skill premia - wage differentials associated with jobs involving different skill requirements - vary both across firms and over time. Our firm-level results mirror patterns found in aggregate wage trends, except that we find them with regard to increases in firm size. In particular, we find that wage differentials between high- and either medium- or low-skill jobs increase with firm size, while those between medium- and low-skill jobs are either invariant to firm size or, if anything, slightly decreasing. We find the same pattern within firms over time, suggesting that rising wage inequality - even nuanced patterns, such as divergent trends in upper- and lower-tail inequality - may be related to firm growth. We explore two possible channels: i) wages associated with "routine" job tasks are relatively lower in larger firms due to a higher degree of automation in these firms, and ii) larger firms pay relatively lower entry-level managerial wages in return for providing better career opportunities. Lastly, we document a strong and positive relation between within-country variation in firm growth and rising wage inequality for a broad set of developed countries. In fact, our results suggest that part of what may be perceived as a global trend toward more wage inequality may be driven by an increase in employment by the largest firms in the economy.
By 2050, two out of every three people on the planet will live in a city. Urbanization and new ideas go hand in hand; by their very nature, cities have long served to create pockets of innovation, changing and improving the way we live our lives in the process. Historically this process was organic and somewhat serendipitous, but modern advances in technology mean that today\'s city administrations can play a more deliberate role in accelerating and nurturing innovation. The stories hidden in even the most routine city data sets give insights into how real people live their lives, enabling government to do more than simply clean the roads or provide clean water. Armed with these data points on what people do - not what they say they do or what they wish they did - government can create tailored solutions for their residents and discover what works, all without breaking the bank.
Europe\'s cities need entrepreneurship and innovation to secure their long-term economic, cultural and social prosperity. This report proposes a set of tools cities can use to stimulate the creativity and social innovation they need by drawing on external innovators and advisers.
We document a negative correlation, at business cycle frequencies, between the net job creation rate of large employers and the level of aggregate unemployment that is much stronger than for small employers. The differential growth rate of employment between initially large and small employers has an unconditional correlation of -0.5 with the unemployment rate, and varies by about 5 percent over the business cycle.
Suffering from years of disinvestment and persistently high rates of poverty, this case study shows how Memphis city officials joined forces with the private and nonprofit sectors to have a collective impact on some of the city's most pressing social issues.
The situation of high unemployment for black men is not new. It has persisted for decades, and scholars, sociologists, economists, policy makers, and advocates have brought attention to various aspects of this challenge and put forth solutions. Yet, it is seemingly an intractable situation. In 2012, three years after the end of the recession, the black male unemployment rate was in the double digits for every age category up to age 65. This was not the case for any other racial group. In 2010, half of working black men were employed in the two occupational clusters with the lowest average earnings. The situation was the same in 2000, and in 1990. In addition to being disproportionately represented in low-wage occupations, black men are much more likely than white men to be working part-time and to experience longer durations of unemployment.
Our key substantive finding is that early improvements in child health, academic achievement, and behavior as well as improved parenting can yield sizable economic benefits for adult earnings. This is all the more striking when we recall that our estimates, for the most part, capture only a portion of the effects that early interventions are likely to have. Given data constraints for early achievement, attention, and the home environment we have focused on effects that work through improvements in school achievement in adolescence and that result in gains in one adult outcome, earnings. We have ignored effects that work through other intermediate outcomes, such as behavior and health, including peer effects, as well as effects on other adult outcomes, such as physical health. Moreover, our estimates do not take into account any synergies that might arise from concurrent improvements across more than one domain. If we could measure the full range of effects, the economic payoffs would surely be much larger than those estimated here.